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北京日报

本帖最后由 HJL 于 2012-5-5 10:43 编辑

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2012-5-5 23:43


原因:Google “北京日报 骆家辉”的结果

"奇文"猛批骆家辉陈光诚引轰动

中国盲人律师陈光诚及其家人长期遭受山东临沂地方当局的迫害虐待,在国际媒体间得到广泛的报道。山东临沂的警察甚至当着外国记者的面殴打因探望陈光 诚而遭到殴打抢劫、前往派出所报案的人。地方政府雇用的流氓打手对前去探望陈光诚的外国记者和著名电影演员也是暴力威胁,甚至拳脚相加。

*《北京日报》出语惊人*

围 绕陈光诚一家所发生的事情,令中国政府脸面无光。5月4日星期五,中国官方的《北京日报》发表惊人的长篇署名评论,认为令中国政府脸面无光的不是任意践踏 基本法律的山东临沂地方当局,也不是对陈光诚及其家人,对陈光诚探访者大打出手的地方政府雇用的流氓打手,而是受害者陈光诚。

《北京日报》在发文痛批陈光诚的同时,还痛批美国驻华大使骆家辉。中国大陆媒体显然根据中国共产党宣传部门的指令,广泛转载《北京日报》的这篇奇文,同时配发显然是官方制定的奇文提要:

“5月4日,北京日报刊文指责陈光诚已成为美国政客抹黑中国的工具和棋子,并称美国驻华使馆行为有损国格。此外,该文指美国驻华大使骆家辉处心积虑地跑到中国找茬捣乱,其‘平民生活秀’、检测北京空气质量等行为,与其大使身份极不相称。”

《北京日报》所说的骆家辉到中国找茬捣乱,进行“平民生活秀”,显然是指骆家辉按照美国法律规定到中国赴任没有坐飞机头等舱,而是跟家人一起坐经济舱。

《北 京日报》所说的骆家辉到中国找茬捣乱,检测北京空气质量等行为,显然是指美国驻华大使馆在骆家辉上任之前的2008年、也就是在北京奥运会之前开始用美国 的设备检测北京空气污染指数,并通过推特发布,为国际旅行者(其中包括有心肺健康问题的人)提供户外活动参考。美国大使馆的空气污染指数,常常与烟雾弥漫 的情况下依然标示“空气质量良好”的北京官方空气指数不同。

*《北京日报》风光无限*

一日之间,由于《北京日报》奇文的轰动惊人效应,平时没有多少读者喜欢看的《北京日报》一举成为中国微博用户最多的新浪微博的最热门搜索词之一,成为得到评论最多的中国报纸。《北京日报》可谓出尽风头,风光无限。

在公众言论受到严密控制的中国大陆,在“陈光诚”、“盲人”、陈光诚支持者“何培蓉”等等跟官方敏感问题有关联的数不清的词成为不能搜索的禁忌词的今天,《北京日报》的奇文发表显然是给中国公众的言论禁锢打开了一个缺口。

中国公众充分利用《北京日报》无意间制造出来的一个言论表达自由的突破口,在有限的言论自由空间内尽情驰骋,充分发挥,嬉笑怒骂,谐谑调侃,严辞斥责,哀鸣叹息,不一而足。以下是随意从新浪微博摘取的一些显然是一边倒的评论: 本 文 来 自 家园网 IASK.CA

霍聚兴Barry:北京日报愤然质问美国驻华大使馆骆家辉:你你。。不吃喝嫖赌。。不奢侈腐败。。不胡作非为。。。那你来中国大陆干什么呀?

步懒恰寻床:哈哈哈哈哈,这笑话太好笑了,北京日报是敢于讲真话的媒体

戴 和平律师:【北京日报:骆家辉乘飞机坐经济舱等“平民生活秀”是主动搅起矛盾漩涡】点评:为什么就在中美两国和谐相处、两国高层领导人会见交流关系融洽的 时刻,北京日报评论员会发出这种不合拍的声音?骆家辉“平民生活秀”是主动搅起矛盾漩涡,难道挥霍浪费是和谐的需要?百思不得其解! 加拿大家园,www.iask.ca

P民福利2012:美帝官员俭朴就是错,本朝官员奢侈也是对。伟光正万岁!

fabless_ASIC_LingQin:北京日报的社论翻译过来就是:“当了官不贪污不腐败,还整天帮着那帮穷老百姓说话,你丫这是存心给我上眼药呀,装什么孙子?”

沈老四:读北京日报这篇熊文之前,建议读者首先以头撞墙10分钟,彻底丧失逻辑判断能力;自我催眠10分钟,直到认为狗屎是美味,杀人犯是天使,彻底颠倒美丑、对错分辨标准;然后一鼓作气看完全文,发出一声大吼:“好文!雄文!就是好!就是好!……”

痞 人日记:人骆家辉不过吃碗炸酱面,坐个经济舱,去趟民工子弟学校,咱报纸就不干了。你他妈一中国报纸,贪官不敢报就算了,人家吃穿简单点也碍着你了,非跟 你一起鲍鱼鱼翅同流合污你丫才满意?逼是一样的逼,装上见高低。你丫留意天气预报,雷雨天别出门。别和这拨人挨太近,铛劈下个分叉儿大雷,容易把你带走。 家园温哥华,vancouver.iask.ca

*《北京日报》成为禁忌*

到了星期五北京时间晚上8点左右,在有关《北京日报》文章的评论飞速增加、《北京日报》在热搜榜的名次迅速窜升之际,新浪微博突然把“北京日报”列为不能搜索的禁忌词。搜索“北京日报”的用户得到标准的告示:

“根据相关法律法规和政策,‘北京日报’搜索结果未予显示”【截屏见上面】

与此同时,中国另一家门户网站网易微博也将有关“北京日报”的搜索结果和评论全部隐藏起来,使用户无法看到。

现在不清楚《北京日报》是否认为自己在中国被如此原因不明地列为禁忌词也是美国驻华大使骆家辉捣乱破坏所致。

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温家宏

“温家宏”是温家宝的弟弟。

Google 可以找到近万条,百度一条也没有:
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2012-5-18 04:16


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“六四”

百度的屏蔽功能还是挺厉害的,搜索结果基本上都与今天这个日子无关。

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2012-6-4 12:47

Google新招 抗“敏感字”封锁

大陆新闻组北京2日电
June 02, 2012

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2012-6-6 07:31

Google提醒搜索敏感词时,会弹出提醒小视窗。(图:东方日报提供)

Google前年退出中国,并将中文搜寻引擎从内地转移香港后,一直设法抗衡中国的网路审查政策。Google公布,为使内地用户能更顺畅使用其搜寻器,新增一项敏感字提示功能,防止他们因搜寻敏感字而遭当局封锁。外界认为这是Google对抗中国当局的新举措。

据美国之音报导,Google发布一项声明说,「几年来,来自中国的网路搜索结果一直『不稳定并且不可靠』,Google并没有发现自身的技术问题,广泛研究后的结果显示,连接中断与特殊词有关。」北京对Google这项声明尚未回应。

中国民众在网路上搜寻某些关键字时,网页会出现「无法显示网页」的讯息,并暂时断线。BBC报导,Google工程与研究部资深副总裁尤斯泰说,他们调查3万5000则抱怨Google搜寻服务的客诉后,做出这项改变。

尤斯泰在官方博客发文:「我们深入研究使用者报告后,我们察觉到,这些干扰与搜寻特定几组字有密切关系。」Google并未透露会受阻挡的是哪些关键字,但网民指出,大多数关键字与政治敏感议题相关。

尤斯泰说:「我们希望可以藉由提醒使用者修正搜寻方式,达到减少干扰并改善中国用户经验的目的。」尤斯泰举例,用户若输入前国家主席江泽民的「江」,不只政治相关网页会被封锁,就连无关的长江等资料也会一并遭阻挡。

据报导,在新增提示功能后,用户输入敏感字时,搜索框下面会出现选项,让用户选择「修改搜索词」还是「继续」。

上证指数、股市

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2012-6-6 07:45

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2012-6-6 07:45


上证跌64.89 太巧合 北京追查

《世界日报》要闻组综合4日电
June 05, 2012

中国六四天安门事件23周年纪念日当天,中国上证综合指数4日开市及跌幅,均出现「八九六四」的数字,与1989年六四事件的年月日出现巧合。事件迅速引发热议,网民高呼「太邪门」;当局事后马上删除有关贴文,新浪微博甚至把「上证指数」以至「股市」,都列为禁止搜索字眼,有中国网民留言称:「你们听见了上综指的哭泣么?」

另据消息人士指,上证指数出现「奇蹟」,暗含64信息,决非巧合,此事已被立案,中共18大前,上交所高层将被调查。

6月4日当天,上证指数开盘时为2346.98点,倒读后四位数,就很容易令人联想到血腥镇压学生运动的1989年6月4日,而今年恰好是23周年。

另一个更令人惊讶的巧合是,上证指数4日收盘时下跌64.89点。

在六四镇压23周年纪念日的今天,64、89、23这些数字的奇异巧合,深受中国当局的忌讳。立即引发网友热烈讨论。中国官方4日晚封锁微博上有关「上证指数」的所有讨论,搜索结果显示:「根据相关法律法规和政策,“上证指数”搜索结果未予显示。」

看到这奇异数字的网民说,这些数字太怪异,甚至有人怀疑这些数字的组合是否受人操纵。但有专业人士表示,即使有再高超的技术,操纵股市数字来暗合1989年的六四运动,恐怕是不太可行的,只能称为「天意」。

这项数字巧合及中国封网行动,也立即引发包括华尔街日报等国际媒体的注意并报导,纷纷指中国封锁「上证指数」这么平常的关键字,反而透露4日六四周年的不寻常氛围。

中国的审查机制4日也阻断「六四」、「23」、「蜡烛」和「永不遗忘」等词汇的网路连结,扩大压制六四天安门事件23年的相关讨论。

中国最热门的微网志平台「新浪微博」上所有与「六四」23周年有关的词汇搜寻都被封锁,例如「六四」。使用者若搜寻这些词汇,只会看到「根据相关法律法规和政策,搜索结果未予显示」的讯息。

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李旺阳

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2012-6-12 12:04

彭博通讯社和商业周刊被屏蔽


彭博在中国被屏蔽与报道习近平有关
来源:BBC中文网

  彭博通讯社(Bloomberg)网站周五(6月29日)在中国被屏蔽,很多中国的用户无法登陆该网站。
  彭博通讯社认为,这是因为网站报道了中国国家副主席习近平家人价值数亿美元的资产。
  中国当局经常在网络上屏蔽敏感新闻。两天前,《纽约时报》的社交论坛被封了数小时。
  彭博通讯社对BBC说,“我们的两个网站Bloomberg.com以及Businessweek.com目前在中国无法登陆。我们认为这是因为彭博新闻网站在周五早晨发表的一篇文章有关联。”
  这篇文章报道了习近平家人价值数亿美元的资产。报道说,大部分资产都是习近平的姐姐齐桥桥和姐夫邓家贵拥有。
  报道指出,习近平家人在多家公司中拥有的资产总额高达3.76亿美元,其中包括在拥有17.3亿美元资产的一家稀土公司中拥有18%的非直接股份,以及在一家科技公司中拥有价值2002万美元的控股额。
  外界普遍认为,习近平将会成为中国下一届国家领导人。
  文章指出,据彭博通讯社所做的调查显示,随着习近平在党内官职的提高,他的家人扩大了对一些公司的商业兴趣,其中包括矿业公司、地产公司和移动电话设备公司。
  文章还指出,习近平副主席的家人还在香港拥有一座价值3150万美元的豪宅,长期以来房子一直是空着的,而且在香港还拥有另外至少六处房产。
  这已经不是中国当局首次对外国网站进行屏蔽。
  中国长期以来一直密切注意所有的网络内容,很多西方公司都无法超越中国的防火墙。
  社交网站Youtube,Google+,推特,Dropbox和脸书都在中国被屏蔽。
  彭博社网站被屏蔽也显示出有关高层领导人家人的财富问题对北京方面来说也是敏感内容。
  有分析人士认为,中国政府一方面强调要反腐败,然而同时也担心此类报道会引起民众对共产党的不满。
  《纽约时报》两天前刚刚推出了自己的中文网站,但是就在网站推出之后的几个小时,该报在中国的微博帐号被暂停。

彭博通讯社和商业周刊被屏蔽/Add.1

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《商业周刊》(Business Week) 犯忌的文章:
Xi Jinping Millionaire Relations Reveal Fortunes of Elite
June 29, 2012

Xi Jinping, the man in line to be China’s next president, warned officials on a 2004 anti-graft conference call: “Rein in your spouses, children, relatives, friends and staff, and vow not to use power for personal gain.”

As Xi climbed the Communist Party ranks, his extended family expanded their business interests to include minerals, real estate and mobile-phone equipment, according to public documents compiled by Bloomberg.

Those interests include investments in companies with total assets of $376 million; an 18 percent indirect stake in a rare- earths company with $1.73 billion in assets; and a $20.2 million holding in a publicly traded technology company. The figures don’t account for liabilities and thus don’t reflect the family’s net worth.

No assets were traced to Xi, who turns 59 this month; his wife Peng Liyuan, 49, a famous People’s Liberation Army singer; or their daughter, the documents show. There is no indication Xi intervened to advance his relatives’ business transactions, or of any wrongdoing by Xi or his extended family.

While the investments are obscured from public view by multiple holding companies, government restrictions on access to company documents and in some cases online censorship, they are identified in thousands of pages of regulatory filings.

The trail also leads to a hillside villa overlooking the South China Sea in Hong Kong, with an estimated value of $31.5 million. The doorbell ringer dangles from its wires, and neighbors say the house has been empty for years. The family owns at least six other Hong Kong properties with a combined estimated value of $24.1 million.

Standing Committee
Xi has risen through the party over the past three decades, holding leadership positions in several provinces and joining the ruling Politburo Standing Committee in 2007. Along the way, he built a reputation for clean government.

He led an anti-graft campaign in the rich coastal province of Zhejiang, where he issued the “rein in” warning to officials in 2004, according to a People’s Daily publication. In Shanghai, he was brought in as party chief after a 3.7 billion- yuan ($582 million) scandal.

A 2009 cable from the U.S. Embassy in Beijing cited an acquaintance of Xi’s saying he wasn’t corrupt or driven by money. Xi was “repulsed by the all-encompassing commercialization of Chinese society, with its attendant nouveau riche, official corruption, loss of values, dignity, and self- respect,” the cable disclosed by Wikileaks said, citing the friend. Wikileaks publishes secret government documents online.

A U.S. government spokesman declined to comment on the document.

Carving Economy
Increasing resentment over China’s most powerful families carving up the spoils of economic growth poses a challenge for the Communist Party. The income gap in urban China has widened more than in any other country in Asia over the past 20 years, according to the International Monetary Fund.

“The average Chinese person gets angry when he hears about deals where people make hundreds of millions, or even billions of dollars, by trading on political influence,” said Barry Naughton, professor of Chinese economy at the University of California, San Diego, who wasn’t referring to the Xi family specifically.

Scrutiny of officials’ wealth is intensifying before a once-in-a-decade transition of power later this year, when Xi and the next generation of leaders are set to be promoted. The ouster in March of Bo Xilai as party chief of China’s biggest municipality in an alleged graft and murder scandal fueled public anger over cronyism and corruption. It also spurred demands that top officials disclose their wealth in editorials in two Chinese financial publications and from microbloggers. Bo’s family accumulated at least $136 million in assets, Bloomberg News reported in April.

Revolutionary Leader
Xi and his siblings are the children of the late Xi Zhongxun, a revolutionary fighter who helped Mao Zedong win control of China in 1949 with a pledge to end centuries of inequality and abuse of power for personal gain. That makes them “princelings,” scions of top officials and party figures whose lineages can help them wield influence in politics and business.

Most of the extended Xi family’s assets traced by Bloomberg were owned by Xi’s older sister,Qi Qiaoqiao, 63; her husband Deng Jiagui, 61; and Qi’s daughter Zhang Yannan, 33, according to public records compiled by Bloomberg.

Deng held an indirect 18 percent stake as recently as June 8 in Jiangxi Rare Earth & Rare Metals Tungsten Group Corp. Prices of the minerals used in wind turbines and U.S. smart bombs have surged as China tightened supply.

Yuanwei Group
Qi and Deng’s share of the assets of Shenzhen Yuanwei Investment Co., a real-estate and diversified holding company, totaled 1.83 billion yuan ($288 million), a December 2011 filing shows. Other companies in the Yuanwei group wholly owned by the couple have combined assets of at least 539.3 million yuan ($84.8 million).

A 3.17 million-yuan investment by Zhang in Beijing-based Hiconics Drive Technology Co. (300048) has increased 40-fold since 2009 to 128.4 million yuan ($20.2 million) as of yesterday’s close in Shenzhen.

Deng, reached on his mobile phone, said he was retired. When asked about his wife, Zhang and their businesses across the country, he said: “It’s not convenient for me to talk to you about this too much.” Attempts to reach Qi and Zhang directly or through their companies by phone and fax, as well as visits to addresses found on filings, were unsuccessful.

New Postcom
Another brother-in-law of Xi Jinping, Wu Long, ran a telecommunications company named New Postcom Equipment Co. The company was owned as of May 28 by relatives three times removed from Wu -- the family of his younger brother’s wife, according to public documents and an interview with one of the company’s registered owners.

New Postcom won hundreds of millions of yuan in contracts from state-owned China Mobile Communications Corp., the world’s biggest phone company by number of users, according to analysts at BDA China Ltd., a Beijing-based consulting firm that advises technology companies.

Dozens of people contacted over the past two months wouldn’t comment about the Xi family on the record because of the sensitivity of the issue. Details from Web pages profiling one of Xi Jinping’s nieces and her British husband were deleted after the two people were contacted.

The total assets of companies owned by the Xi family gives the breadth of their businesses and isn’t an indication of profitability. Hong Kong property values were based on recent transactions involving comparable homes.

Identity Cards
Bloomberg’s accounting included only assets, property and shareholdings in which there was documentation of ownership by a family member and an amount could be clearly assigned. Assets were traced using public and business records, interviews with acquaintances and Hong Kong and Chinese identity-card numbers.

In cases where family members use different names in mainland China and in Hong Kong, Bloomberg verified identities by speaking to people who had met them and through multiple company documents that show the same names together and shared addresses.

Bloomberg provided a list showing the Xi family’s holdings to China’s Foreign Ministry. The government declined to comment.

In October 2000, Xi Zhongxun’s family gathered on his 87th birthday for a photograph at a state guest house in Shenzhen, two years before the patriarch’s death. The southern metropolis bordering Hong Kong is now one of China’s richest, thanks in part to the elder Xi. He persuaded former leader Deng Xiaoping to pioneer China’s experiment with open markets in what was a fishing village.

Family Photo
In the photo, Xi Zhongxun, dressed in a red sweater and holding a cane, is seated in an overstuffed armchair. To his left sits daughter Qi Qiaoqiao. On his right, a young grandson perches on doily-covered armrests next to the elder Xi’s wife, Qi Xin. Lined up behind are Qiaoqiao’s husband, Deng Jiagui; her brothers Xi Yuanping and presidential heir Xi Jinping; and sister Qi An’an alongside her husband Wu Long.

Xi Zhongxun worked to imbue his children with the revolutionary spirit, according to accounts in state media that portray him as a principled and moral leader. Family members have recounted in interviews how he dressed them in patched hand-me-downs.

He also made Qiaoqiao turn down her top-choice middle school in Beijing, which offered her a slot despite her falling half a point short of the required grade, according to a memorial book about him. Instead, she attended another school under her mother’s family name, Qi, so classmates wouldn’t know her background. Qiaoqiao and her sister An’an also sometimes use their father’s family name, Xi.

Party School
In a speech on March 1 this year before about 2,200 cadres at the central party school in Beijing where members are trained, Xi Jinping said that some were joining because they believed it was a ticket to wealth. “It is more difficult, yet more vital than ever to keep the party pure,” he said, according to a transcript of his speech in an official magazine.

His daughter, Xi Mingze, has avoided the spotlight. She studies at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts, under an assumed name.

Xi’s elevation to replace Hu Jintao as China’s top leader isn’t yet formalized. He must be picked as the Communist Party’s general secretary in a meeting later this year and then be selected by the country’s legislature as president next March.

Deng Xiaoping
Disgruntlement over how members of the ruling elite translate political power into personal fortunes has existed since Deng Xiaoping’s economic reforms began three decades ago, when he said some people could get rich first and help others get wealthy later.

The relatives of other top officials have forged business careers. Premier Wen Jiabao’s son co-founded a private-equity company. The son of Wen’s predecessor, Zhu Rongji, heads a Chinese investment bank.

“What I’m really concerned about is the alliance between the rich and powerful,” said Wan Guanghua, principal economist at the Asian Development Bank. “It makes corruption and inequality self-reinforcing and persistent.”

Public criticism is mounting against ostentatious displays of wealth by officials. Microbloggers tracking designer labels sported by cadres expressed disgust last year at a gold Rolex watch worn by a former customs minister. They castigated the daughter of former Premier Li Peng for wearing a pink Emilio Pucci suit to the nation’s annual legislative meeting this March. Some complained that the 12,000 yuan they said it cost would pay for warm clothes for 200 poor children.

‘Unequal Access’
“People are angry because there’s unequal access to money- making, and the rewards that get reaped appear to the populace to be undeserved,” said Perry Link, a China scholar at the University of California, Riverside. “There’s no question in the Chinese public mind that this is wrong.”

Premier Wen told a meeting of China’s State Council on March 26 that power must be exercised “under the sun” to combat corruption.

While officials in China must report their income and assets to authorities, as well as personal information about their immediate family, the disclosures aren’t public.

The lack of transparency fuels a belief that the route to wealth depends on what Chinese call “guanxi,” a catch-all word for the connections considered crucial for doing business in the country. It helps explain why princelings with no official posts wield influence. Or, as a Chinese proverb puts it: When a man gets power, even his chickens and dogs rise to heaven.

‘Bigwig Relative’
“If you are a sibling of someone who is very important in China, automatically people will see you as a potential agent of influence and will treat you well in the hope of gaining guanxi with the bigwig relative,” said Roderick MacFarquhar, a professor of government at Harvard who focuses on Chinese elite politics.

The link between political power and wealth isn’t unique to China. Lyndon B. Johnson was so poor starting out in life that he borrowed $75 to enroll in Southwest Texas State Teachers College in 1927, according to his presidential library. After almost three decades of elective office, he and his family had media and real-estate holdings worth $14 million in 1964, his first full year as president, according to an August 1964 article in Life Magazine.

Orville Schell, director of the Center on U.S.-China Relations at the Asia Society in New York, said the nexus of power and wealth can be found in any country. “But there is no country where this is more true than China,” he said. “There’s a huge passive advantage to just being in one of these family trees.”

Unfair to Xi
Yao Jianfu, a retired government researcher who has called for greater disclosure of assets by leaders, said it wouldn’t be right to tie Xi Jinping to the businesses of his family.

“If other members of the family are independent business representatives, I think it’s unfair to describe it as a family clan and count it as Xi Jinping’s,” Yao said in a telephone interview.

The lineage of Xi’s siblings hasn’t always been an advantage. Xi Zhongxun, the father, was purged by Mao in 1962. Like many other princelings, the children were scattered to the countryside during the Cultural Revolution. The 5-yuan payment Qiaoqiao received for working in a corps with 500 other youths in Inner Mongolia made her feel rich, she recalled in an interview on the website of Beijing-based Tsinghua University.

After Mao’s death in 1976, the family was rehabilitated and Xi’s sister Qiaoqiao pursued a career with the military and as a director with the People’s Armed Police. She resigned to care for her father, who had retired in 1990, Qiaoqiao said in the Tsinghua interview.

【未完,续见楼下】.
【续楼上帖】

Property Purchase
A year later, she bought an apartment in what was then the British colony of Hong Kong for HK$3 million ($387,000) -- at the time, equivalent to almost 900 times the average Chinese worker’s annual salary. She still owns the property, in the Pacific Palisades complex in Braemar Hill on Hong Kong island, land registry records show.

By 1997, Qi and Deng had recorded an investment of 15.3 million yuan in a company that later became Shenzhen Yuanwei Industries Co., a holding group, documents show. The assets of that company aren’t publicly available. However, one of its subsidiaries, Shenzhen Yuanwei Investment, had assets of 1.85 billion yuan ($291 million) at the end of 2010. It is 99 percent owned by the couple, according to a December 2011 filing by a securities firm.

It was after her father’s death in 2002 that Qi said she decided to go into business, according to the Tsinghua interview. She graduated from Tsinghua’s executive master’s degree in business administration program in 2006 and founded its folk-drumming team. It plays in the style of Shaanxi province, where Xi Zhongxun was born.

Paper Trail
The names Qi Qiaoqiao, Deng Jiagui or Zhang Yannan appear on the filings of at least 25 companies over the past two decades in China and Hong Kong, either as shareholders, directors or legal representatives -- a term that denotes the person responsible for a company, such as its chairman.

In some filings, Qi used the name Chai Lin-hing. The alias was linked to her because of biographical details in a Chinese company document that match those in two published interviews with Qi Qiaoqiao. Chai Lin-hing has owned multiple companies and a property in Hong Kong with Deng Jiagui.

In 2005, Zhang Yannan started appearing on Hong Kong documents, when Qi and Deng transferred to her 99.98 percent of a property-holding company that owns one apartment, a unit in the Regent on the Park development with an estimated value of HK$54 million ($6.96 million).

Repulse Bay Villa
Land registry records show Zhang paid HK$150 million ($19 million) in 2009 for the villa on Belleview Drive in Repulse Bay, one of Hong Kong’s most exclusive neighborhoods. Property prices have since jumped about 60 percent in the area.

Her Hong Kong identity card number, written on one of the sale documents, matches that found on the company she owns with her mother and Deng Jiagui, Special Joy Investments Ltd. All three people share the same Hong Kong address in a May 12 filing.

Zhang owns four other luxury units in the Convention Plaza Apartments residential tower with panoramic harbor views adjoining the Grand Hyatt hotel.

Since its 1997 return by Britain to Chinese rule, Hong Kong has been governed autonomously, with its own legal and banking systems. About a third of all purchases of new luxury homes in the territory are by mainland Chinese buyers, according to Centaline Property Agency Ltd.

In mainland China, Qi and Deng’s marquee project is a luxury housing complex called Guanyuan near Beijing’s financial district, boasting manicured gardens and a gray-brick exterior reminiscent of the city’s historic courtyard homes. Financial details on the developer aren’t available because of restrictions on company searches in Beijing.

Beijing Complex
To finance the development, the couple borrowed from friends and banks, and aimed to attract officials and executives at state-owned companies, they told V Marketing China magazine in a 2006 interview. Property prices in the capital rose 79 percent in the following four years, government data show.

The site’s developer -- 70 percent owned by Qi and Deng’s Yuanwei Investment -- acquired more than 10,000 square meters of land for 95.6 million yuan in 2004 to build Guanyuan, according to the Beijing Municipal Bureau of Land and Resources.

A 189-square-meter (2,034-square-foot) three-bedroom apartment in Guanyuan listed online in June for 15 million yuan. One square meter sells for 79,365 yuan -- more than double China’s annual per capita gross domestic product.

Public anger at soaring housing costs has made real estate an especially sensitive issue for leaders in China. Property prices were “far from a reasonable level,” Premier Wen said in March.

‘Playing Field’
The lack of a level playing field and unaffordable home prices mean “you can be cut out of the China dream,” said Joseph Fewsmith, director of the Center for the Study of Asia at Boston University, who focuses on Chinese politics. “Is the rise of China going to last if you build it around these sorts of unequal opportunities?”

Those with the right connections are able to gain access to assets that are controlled by the government, according to Bo Zhiyue, a senior research fellow at the National University of Singapore’s East Asian Institute.

“All they need is to get into the game one small step ahead of the others and they can make a huge gain,” he said. Bo wasn’t discussing the specific investments of Xi’s family members.

One of Deng’s well-timed acquisitions was in a state-owned company with investments in rare-earth metals.

Rare Earths
Deng’s Shanghai Wangchao Investment Co. bought a 30 percent stake in Jiangxi Rare Earth for 450 million yuan ($71 million) in 2008, according to a bond prospectus.

Deng owned 60 percent of Shanghai Wangchao. A copy of Deng’s Chinese identity card found in company registry documents matches one found in filings of a Yuanwei subsidiary. Yuanwei group-linked executives held the posts of vice chairman and chief financial officer in Jiangxi Rare Earth, the filings show.

The investment came as China, which has a near monopoly on production of the metals, was tightening control over production and exports, a policy that led to a more than fourfold surge in prices for some rare earths in 2011.

A woman who answered the phone at Jiangxi Rare Earth’s head office in Nanchang said she was unable to provide financial information because the company wasn’t listed on the stock exchange. She declined to discuss Shanghai Wangchao’s investment, saying it was too sensitive.

Hiconics Drive
Qi Qiaoqiao’s daughter Zhang made her 3.17 million-yuan investment in Hiconics in the three years before the Beijing- based manufacturer of electronic devices sold shares (300048) to the public in 2010. Hiconics founder Liu Jincheng was in the same executive MBA class as Qi Qiaoqiao, according to his profile on Tsinghua’s website.

Wang Dong, the company’s board secretary, didn’t respond to faxed questions or phone calls seeking comment.

The business interests of Qi and Deng may be more extensive still: The names appear as the legal representative of at least 11 companies in Beijing and Shenzhen, cities where restrictions on access to filings make it difficult to determine ownership of companies or asset values.

Dalian Wanda
For example, Deng was the legal representative of a Beijing-based company that bought a 0.8 percent stake in one of China’s biggest developers, Dalian Wanda Commercial Properties Co., for 30 million yuan in a 2009 private placement. Dalian Wanda Commercial had sales of 95.3 billion yuan ($15 billion) last year.

Dalian Wanda Commercial “doesn’t comment on private transactions,” it said in an e-mailed statement.

Deng also served as legal representative of a company that won a government contract to help build a 1 billion-yuan ($157 million) bridge in central China’s Hubei province, according to an official website and corporate records.

Complex ownership structures are common in China, according to Victor Shih, a professor at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois, who studies the link between finance and politics in the country. Princelings engage people they trust, often members of their extended families, to open companies on their behalf that bid for contracts from state-owned enterprises, said Shih, who wasn’t referring specifically to Xi’s family.

New Postcom
In the case of Xi Jinping’s brother-in-law, Wu Long, he’s identified as chairman of New Postcom in two reports on the website of the Guangzhou Development District, one in 2009 and the other a year later.

New Postcom doesn’t provide a list of management on its website. Searches in Chinese on Baidu Inc.’s search engine using the name “Wu Long” and “New Postcom” trigger a warning, also in Chinese: “The search results may not be in accordance with relevant laws, regulations and policies, and cannot display.”

New Postcom is owned by two people named Geng Minhua and Hua Feng, filings show. Their address in the company documents leads to the ninth floor of a decades-old concrete tower in Beijing where Geng’s elderly mother lives. Tacked to the wall of her living room was the mobile-phone number of her daughter.

When contacted by phone June 6, Geng confirmed she owned New Postcom with her son Hua Feng -- and that her daughter was married to Wu Ming, Wu Long’s younger brother. Geng said Wu Long headed the company and she wasn’t involved in the management.

Different Owners
New Postcom identified two different people -- Hong Ying and Ma Wenbiao -- as its owners in a six-page, June 27 statement and said the head of the company was a person named Liu Ran. The company didn’t respond to repeated requests to explain the discrepancies. Wu Long and his wife, Qi An’an, couldn’t be reached for comment.

New Postcom was an upstart company that benefited from state contracts. It specialized in the government-mandated home- grown 3G mobile-phone standard deployed by China Mobile. In 2007, it won a share of a tender to supply handsets, beating out more established competitors such as Motorola Inc., according to BDA China.

“They were an unknown that suddenly appeared,” said Duncan Clark, chairman of BDA. “People were expecting Motorola to get a big part of that device contract, and then a no-name company just appeared at the top of the list.”

In 2007, the domestic mobile standard was still being developed, and many of the bigger players were sitting on the sidelines, allowing New Postcom a bigger share of the market, the company said in the statement.

Xi Yuanping
William Moss, the Beijing-based spokesman of the Motorola Mobility unit that was split off from Motorola last year and purchased by Google Inc. (GOOG) (GOOG), declined to comment on details of any individual bids. China Mobile “has always insisted on the principle of open, fair, just and credible bidding” to select vendors, company spokesman Zhang Xuan said by e-mail.

Xi Jinping’s younger brother, Xi Yuanping, is the founding chairman of an energy advisory body called the International Energy Conservation Environmental Protection Association. He doesn’t play an active role in the organization, according to an employee who declined to be identified.

One of Xi’s nieces has a higher profile. Hiu Ng, the daughter of Qi An’an and Wu Long, and her husband Daniel Foa, 35, last year were listed as speakers at a networking symposium in the Maldives on sustainable tourism with the likes of the U.K. billionaire Richard Branson and the actress Daryl Hannah.

Hudson Clean Energy
Ng recently began working with Hudson Clean Energy Partners LP, which manages a fund of more than $1 billion in the U.S., to help identify investments in China.

Details about the couple were removed from Internet profiles after Bloomberg reporters contacted them. Foa said by phone he couldn’t comment about FairKlima Capital, a clean- energy fund they set up in 2007. Ng didn’t respond to e-mails asking for an interview.

The two are no longer mentioned on the FairKlima website. A June 3 cache of the “Contact Us” webpage includes short biographies of Ng and Foa under the headline “Senior Management Team.”

A reference on Ng’s LinkedIn profile that said on June 8 that she worked at New Postcom has since been removed, along with her designation as “Vice Chair Hudson Clean Energy Partners China.”

Neil Auerbach, the Teaneck, New Jersey-based private-equity firm’s founder, said he was working with Ng because of her longstanding passion for sustainability.

“We are aware of her political connections, but her focus is on sustainable investing, and that’s the purpose,” he said in a June 13 interview. “We’re delighted to be working with her.”

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“什邡”没有被屏蔽

有点出乎意料之外。希望是一种积极的转变。

俄罗斯之声的分析(猜测?):
正如一些分析人士认为的那样,中央政府实际上站在了示威者一边,让抗议浪潮平息了下来。对中国来说,这实属罕见。通常使用的那种禁止公布大规模抗议活动所有消息的手段,这次根本没有使用。
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